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研究 弥合差距

How Families Use the Online Platform Economy to Manage their Cash Flow

When a family experiences a cash flow interruption, 他们可以通过借贷进行调整, 削减支出, 或者产生额外收入. With the rise of the Online Platform Economy, this last option has likely become more available.

When a family experiences a cash-flow interruption, 他们可以通过减少储蓄来调整, 借款, 削减支出, 或者产生额外收入. With the rise of the Online Platform Economy, this last option has likely become more available. 在这项研究中, 我们报告说,对许多家庭来说,在线平台经济的供给侧参与是一种现金流管理工具.

我们利用12bet官方研究所在线平台经济数据集来调查家庭是否以及如何使用在线平台经济来平滑收入. We do this by taking two converse perspectives. 第一个, 我们追踪一个家庭首次加入在线平台经济之前和之后的几周内收入和现金余额的变化. 相反, 然后,我们跟踪在线平台经济参与率和平均每周平台收入如何围绕离散现金流事件演变. In total, we analyze five specific events occurring in the years 2016 and 2017:

  1. 线上平台经济进入: A family receives its first direct deposit from a platform company, indicating that a family member has begun providing labor or capital in the Online Platform Economy. This event was experienced by just over 460,000 families in our sample.
  2. 失业: 一个家庭从公共失业保险系统获得第一笔直接存款,这意味着在过去几周内非自愿失业. This event was experienced by just over 170,000 families in our sample.
  3. 工作收获: A family receives its first payroll direct deposit after two months without payroll income, 暗示新雇佣的家庭成员. This event was experienced by just over 769,000 families in our sample.
  4. 退税: 一个家庭收到了它的第一个联邦, 状态, 或者当年地方退税, directly deposited into their checking account. 这次事件的经历只有8人多一点.在我们的样本中有200万个家庭.
  5. 纳税: A family makes its first electronic payment of the year to a Federal, 状态, or local tax authority. 这次事件只有2人多一点.在我们的样本中有400万个家庭.

找到一个: 在一个家庭加入在线平台经济之前的十周内,收入和现金余额会下降10%左右.

平均现金余额和平均每周实得工资收入大致保持不变,直到一个家庭开始参与在线平台经济前10周左右. 然后, 两者开始同时下降, 这意味着家庭可能在失去工资收入的情况下使用流动余额来维持支出. 关于 two weeks before joining the Online Platform Economy, average cash balances and payroll incomes are down almost 10 percent. 政府来源的收入(包括, 例如, social 好处 like unemployment insurance) begin to decline twenty weeks before joining, 但在最后十周跌幅最大.

发现二: Employment events catalyze changes in platform participation, 尤其是在交通运输领域. Driver participation and revenues increase when people lose a job and decrease when they gain a job.

在非自愿失业之后, many families turn to transportation platforms to supplement their income, 一些公司也开始出售资产. Transportation platform participation rates increase from 0.43%到0%.在这一事件中,有74%的人认为,这一数字增加了0.5%.31%,即72%. Participation rates on selling platforms increase from 0.22%到0.百分之二十八——增加百分之零点二.06个百分点,或27%.

发现三: 不像就业的变化, tax-related cash flows have no effect on participation revenues in the Online Platform Economy.

Tax refunds and tax payments do not catalyze changes in participation in the Online Platform Economy, other than a minor dip in driver participation in the week when a tax refund is received. Nor do families flex their engagement in response to these cash-flow events—例如, by using cash from a refund to buy back some leisure time.

发现四: 男性比女性更有可能利用在线平台经济通过非自愿失业来稳定收入.

如果主要账户持有人是男性,家庭更有可能求助于平台,以在非自愿失业的情况下稳定收入. 不论性别, 然而, 在非自愿失业期间转向在线平台经济的家庭最有可能加入运输部门. 每位司机的平均收入, 以及这些平均值的性别差异, remain stable in the weeks leading up to a first unemployment insurance payment. Notably, the gap increases to about $50 in the weeks after.

Data

结论

综上所述, 我们的研究结果表明,在线平台经济——尤其是它的交通部门——对家庭在两份工作之间的收入起到了平滑作用. 然而, the tax-related cash flow events do not coincide with changes in platform participation or revenues. 这些发现为围绕这些劳动力市场的政策设计和监管的讨论增加了一个重要的维度. We see four especially important implications:

第一个, as policymakers weigh approaches to improve the pay, 好处, 保护平台工人, 他们应该考虑到这些相同的方法可能对平台工作的特点产生的潜在影响——低进入门槛和高灵活性——允许家庭使用它来平衡收入. 需要收入平滑工具的家庭可能会特别转向交通平台,因为进入这些平台的门槛可能比其他行业低, 另外,交通运输部门可能相对容易产生收入,只需要偶尔和定期的参与. As policy discussions continue around portable 好处 schemes, 重要的是要分别考虑那些打算将平台或其他零工作为长期主要收入来源的工人和那些打算将其用作临时收入平滑工具的工人的需求.

第二个, 对于一些家庭来说,在线平台经济可能比其他家庭更容易成为一种收入平滑工具. 遭遇工资收入中断的女性(或与女性共用账户的家庭成员)不太可能求助于在线平台经济. To the extent that this difference may reflect structural disparities, it would require attention from both policymakers and platform providers.

第三, 尽管在经历非自愿失业的家庭中,只有不到1%的家庭真正转向在线平台经济来稳定他们的收入, for those families the additional $150-$250 per week in platform revenues may be crucial. 即使对参与者来说,充分计算与平台参与相关的额外边际成本可能也很困难, so the extent to which platform participation is effective in generating real income remains unknown. 然而, the additional cash flow may address important immediate needs.

最后, 在一些政策讨论中,在线平台经济中的高劳动力流失率被视为一种迹象,表明对许多司机来说,加入在线平台经济可能是一个糟糕的财务决定. 然而, 我们的研究结果表明,通过在线平台经济驱动的一个功能可能是弥合工作之间的差距. 在这种情况下, 事实上,许多司机在加入后不久就找到了另一份工作,不应该被解释为“用脚投票”,反对在线平台经济作为一种创收选择的可行性.

作者

法雷尔

开国和前总统 & 首席执行官